An account of the police riot to protect fascists in Melbourne / Naarm

By Andrew Martin

Police offer shooting over crouching protestors from behind barricade
Photo cr: NewsWire / Luis Enrique Ascui

Countering Fascism

This Sunday, 19 October, March For Australia held their second anti-immigration rally in the streets of Melbourne/Naarm. The first was held on August 31st and culminated in the violent assault by the NSN on Camp Sovereignty. This time round, their numbers were much smaller, perhaps no more than 500 people, but it was hard to gauge as the overwhelming numbers of police kept us apart. It was the police actions at the rally that were the most concerning aspect of Sunday’s events.

The police used tactics aimed at creating confrontations to unleash an unprecedented level of violence towards those demonstrating against fascism, while protecting the March for Australia demonstrators. The police horses and riot police were aimed towards the anti-fascist demonstrators. The police used capsicum spray, flash-bang grenades, tear gas and rubber bullets, hospitalising at least one person.

The black-block tactics of some anarchists deserve scrutiny, as they escalated tensions that may have been better managed if they were not present. Such tactics give cover to the police to employ the use of heavy-handed repression whilst doing nothing to help the rally defend itself from the state.

A united front of socialist organisations organised the counter rally, mobilising rank and file trade union activists, and student organisations to show solidarity against the rise of the far-right, but our numbers were also down compared to August 31st. 

Purpose of the Demonstration

The primary aim of the demonstration was to publicly reject fascism and confront March Australia after they held a sizable demonstration on 31 August. The main slogans were “no room for racism and fascism” and “no white Australia”. The intent was to create a groundswell of support to head off the threat of a resurgent far-right, as stated in the flyers promoting the event, “We need to show that our side, the side of humanity and solidarity, is far bigger than they could ever be”. 

Event Proceedings

The counter demonstration started at 11 am at the State Library, where participants gathered, carrying banners and placards with messages such as “No to Fascism”, “Unity Against Hate”, and “Diversity is Strength”. Speakers from various organisations addressed the crowd, sharing personal stories and calling for continued resistance against far-right movements. Starting the rally one hour earlier than traditional rallies held by the left may have exacerbated the lower turnout..

Photo Credit @onewonkyboy on instagram

The march departed well before 12, and proceeded along an unfamiliar route at one stage, heading downhill along a street hidden from any mainstream thoroughfare, which is the moment the police used to split the protest into two. They used their newly given police powers to order people to remove their face covering, which included masks that protect from covid and other airborne diseases. When youth and sections of the black block didn’t comply, the police used force, throwing them to the ground.

Their actions appeared to be a pre-planned provocation. They deliberately created an arrestable situation. At this point, the black block also escalated in retaliation with some rocks and bottles thrown at the police and physical confrontations with cops as they de-arrested one of their comrades. The police claim one cop was injured. That may or may not be true, but it is clear the black block was ready for a scuffle. 

The police seized their moment with gusto. They unleashed an arsenal of weaponry at a level I have never seen before, not in 25 years of activism. They had the carefully crafted scenario they wanted, manufactured for all the media, which, from the Age to Sky News After Dark, repeated the narrative of violent protestors.

The flash bang grenades and pepper spray were very effective at rupturing the march. The Camp Sovereignty crew decided to march back to their camp, drawing a sizable portion of the protest – in order to protect their camp. The Red Block/ CARF decided to proceed to parliament to confront the fascists. A number of protestors on our side were already there and it appears we did outnumber the fascists, but we lost the flag arms race. I think there were more Australian flags than attendees at the March Australia rally. I also spotted an Israeli flag.

But the cops were determined to wreak havoc. Again, they dispersed our assembly, charging with horses and using their bag of tricks of pain infliction. I think it was at this point that the rubber bullets, flash bang grenades and tear gas were fired and we were dispersed.

Police commander Wayne Cheeseman also fronted the media, pouring a box of rocks on the ground, fulminating like a raging bull, saying, “people came to pick a fight with the police”. He makes his intentions quite clear that the police are going to crack down hard on left-wing demonstrations, i.e the violence we experienced will get worse. He also states the March for Australia group, the group openly promoting white supremacy, and who worked with the NSN who attacked Camp Sovereignty, were “peaceful and engaging”. Chilling stuff – this after they shot someone with rubber bullets that led to quite severe bruising and bleeding.

March For Australia protestors were also allowed to pass with ease through police lines to the side of the counter protestors, waving their large flags and clearly provoking a reaction. This gives lie to the claim that police tactics were only there to “prevent clashes”

None of the speakers today made any great impressions on me (perhaps I was feeling careworn).. It was good to hear from a former construction worker, but unions were notably absent. There were some union banners but no seriously organised union contingents.

There were few people actually in the city that would’ve witnessed what happened. In that regard, the main impact of the rally and march will be the way it’s sensationalised by the media and weaponised by the state.

Photo cr: NewsWire / Luis Enrique Ascui

The Left’s Response

While the Left needs to acknowledge the failure of these rallies to mobilise larger numbers of people and broader layers of society, they are ethnically diverse and youthful. It’s also encouraging that March Australia numbers were well down. However, we need a discussion that draws lessons from today’s experience and weighs up the usefulness of these rallies.

We are met with too heavy a police presence to confront the fascists, and our numbers are too small for our side to make any serious headway. We must reconcile with the limitations of our side in this fight.

There are some disturbing trends with politicians from One Nation and Bob Katter supporting the March Australia rallies. On the other hand, we are politically cut off from the labour movement or any sizeable movement that could decisively deal a blow to the rise of the far-right.

The Left should refrain from the argy-bargy of who is to blame for the tactical decisions of the day, as it won’t constructively build a better movement. We should, however, reserve the right to openly criticise the tactics of the black-block as they are jeopardising our security and the safety of all those in the cross-hairs of fascism.

Looking Ahead

The violence we experienced should give us pause for reflection. The responsibility for the violence and pain inflicted ultimately lies with the Victorian ALP government, which has given police unprecedented powers and an impetus to use them. The events of today and their political implications are extremely disturbing. It’s important to place this in an international context with the Trump government waging war on cities like Portland, Chicago and New York, the rise of fascism in Europe, and the recent severe instances of police and military violence in the Global South, in Peru or Indonesia, for example.

It is also clear that two years of Palestine solidarity protests are a key reason that the twinned tactics of fascist blackshirts and riot police are being normalised in Melbourne / Naarm. It is no coincidence that this is the city that saw almost 2 years of weekly protests for Palestine and is currently seeing the worst violence being unleashed against the left in the country. Whilst riot bullets and fully armed riot police were first deployed in Melbourne during anti-lockdown protests, they have now become almost standard operating procedure against non-violent Palestine and anti-fascist left protests since the Disrupt Land Force Picket of September 2024. 

It is imperative to build the movement against fascism, but we need a discussion on the strategy and tactics that are going to be useful. The socialist movement is making small inroads at this time into the labour movement, so there is potential to turn this situation around. Still, we need a balanced approach that doesn’t suck us into getting crushed by the police.

An upshot of these rallies, even if they appear bad in the media, is that they have the potential to build greater solidarity across the left.

Photo credit: @angela.biscotti on Instagram

6 responses

  1. >Starting the rally one hour earlier than traditional rallies held by the left may have exacerbated the lower turnout..

    A fascist got up before noon, did you?

    The account of events mixes up the chronology of quite a few things:

    >The march departed well before 12, and proceeded along an unfamiliar route at one stage, heading downhill along a street hidden from any mainstream thoroughfare,

    It went north up Collins, found it blocked at Exhibition, and so tried to go south down Exhibition to Flinders to go around.

    >which is the moment the police used to split the protest into two. They used their newly given police powers to order people to remove their face covering, which included masks that protect from covid and other airborne diseases. When youth and sections of the black block didn’t comply, the police used force, throwing them to the ground.

    The march was going too fast, creating gaps. People isolated in these gaps were indeed targeted. I saw one particularly foolish officer go in on his own to grab someone who slipped back into the crowd which then surrounded and pushed out the cop. This tactic would eventually explode.

    The march split at Exhibition/Flinders. While people were trying to figure out what to do about being blocked from going up Flinders, the back of the march which comprised SAlt/CARF/etc seized the moment and turned around and went back up Exhibition to I guess Lt Bourke St.

    Meanwhile eventually the First Nation contingent decided to go to Camp Sovereignty and led some people down that way.

    The remainder eventually turned around and followed the route of the back contingent.

    During all of this again there was a large gap in the crowd between the intersection and Sargood Ln with only a thinly dispersed group milling about in it that police again attempted to demask and identify, leading to the very wild confrontation and brawl.

    >as they de-arrested one of their comrades.

    2 of the 3 were de-arrested.

    >The police seized their moment with gusto. They unleashed an arsenal of weaponry at a level I have never seen before, not in 25 years of activism.

    Only OC foam and mace was used on Exhibition, the weapons came out later on Spring St.

    >The flash bang grenades and pepper spray were very effective at rupturing the march. The Camp Sovereignty crew decided to march back to their camp, drawing a sizable portion of the protest – in order to protect their camp. The Red Block/ CARF decided to proceed to parliament to confront the fascists.

    A very mixed up account of things that happened and out of sequence.

    Anyway the police were willing to funnel the march up to Spring va Lt Bourke St or any other street further up, to around Parliament Gardens and the Pagoda. It seems to be a bit of a traditional spot for counter demonstrations. Organisers probably should have realised and accepted this early on and decided on a route that went there. Swanston to Bourke, Bourke Street Mall to Elizabeth, Elizabeth to Lonsdale, and up to Spring. Gives plenty of CBD exposure. Sure it is letting the police define the route and presence but you gotta ask what hill do you want to die on.

    1. Thanks for clarifying, the early mention of flashbangs on Exhibition confused me too.

  2. What happened on Sunday was always going to happen, blind Freddy could see it. I advised the camp sovereignty mob to take Flinders Street station intersection for exposure on peaceful protesting and to raise awareness of their situations. As you stated in your article this was pre planned by the piggies to end this way. Whether we like it or not it worked in theirs and the medias favour, we lost the narrative and favour of the public on this one. This does not detract from the goals of smashing fascism. Learnings must be taken from the past. Understanding that the union movement had been infiltrated and taken over by neoliberalism back when Hawke was PM, and how we win that back is key.

    1. Philip Agees book CIA Diary describes how Union leadership was infiltrated by the CIA going back to the 1950s.

  3. I’m confused by the comment about “rocks and [presumably glass] bottles being thrown at police” on Exhibition Street.

    Did you witness that? I haven’t seen any conclusive evidence or independent confirmation anywhere online.

  4. Whilst I can appreciate the need in general to provide analysis as a means for the circulation of ideas as part of our praxis, and as such appreciate RedAnt in that capacity, articles like these that seek to immediately respond to a moment with theoretically lazy speculations further retrench a form of ungenerous critique that is pervasive on ‘the left’ in this context. Not everything has to be about unity or a culture of all getting along, and as such putting disagreements out in the public domain is useful to the extent that it has an audience. Nevertheless, does the author consider that the individuals on the receiving end of state violence may be unlikely to engage with such work in a reflective and considered manner when published whilst they’re still injured and facing the threat of further state violence via surveillance and criminal charges? What usage does ideological critique of a particular tactic have when it masquerades as objective reportage? The derision of black bloc tactics as “giving cover to the police to employ the use of heavy-handed repression whilst doing nothing to help defend itself from the state” seriously misrecognises the nature of the state and the violence it employs. Rather than framing the violence of the state as somehow ‘forced’ upon police by the decisions of individuals who pursue particular political or strategic choices, surely state violence is something that is foundational to the maintenance of Australia as we know it, especially in the institution of the police designed specifically to oppose any challenges to its authority, from its origins as the perpetrators of frontier killings to today? Moments of intensity such as the usage of flash-bangs, 40mm baton rounds or other tools of the cops that aren’t seen often amongst activists (but I note have been used against protests at Webb Dock, as well as in the ‘non-activist’ settings of riots in gaol) are obviously fucked, but does anyone believe that if rallies or political movements prioritise tactics that deride confrontation, fascism will simply go quietly into the night? Fascism isn’t an abberation in a settler-colonial context- its the norm, the very conditions by which Australia as we know it come to exist. It embeds itself within the law and traffics under discourses of peace and social cohesion which simply obscure the objective violence of the system of racial-colonial capital as it exists today. You note that we shouldn’t do “the argy-bargy of who is to blame for the tactical decisions of the day”, and yet you go on to state that certain tactical decisions are “jeopardising our security and the safety of all those in the cross hairs of fascism”. I think that is a bit of a stretch. People who are targeted by fascism aren’t made unsafe by the days events at a protest. People are made unsafe by fascism itself, a force which clearly isn’t going away, and which historically has not been defeated by street protest. Sure, maybe there are ways to restrict the amount of injuries sustained by individuals, but ultimately as you acknowledge when push comes to shove, the police side with white supremacists everyday of the week. Fascism in the organised form of the state has historically only been broken by belligerent and sustained armed warfare, a reality we are very far away from today in melbourne. The more useful discussion to have amidst the uncertain epoch in which we live is how to break free of some of the cultural forms by which leftist organisations here operate, and yet I unfortunately think that criticism like this doesn’t break with those logics in its hasty and uncritical parroting of a narrative that blames the actions of individuals for the way the state employs violence. And this comes from someone who has my own critiques of anarchist street tactics, but do those critiques need to be platformed the day after the events in question, with no actual clear engagement with people who employ such tactics as to their reasoning or thinking? Clearly, there is no organised left here that has mass public support, and so there does have to be serious questions asked of the possibilities or limitations of our current moment. Nor are we in the same conditions of advanced social decay seen in the US or UK, and so perhaps we have some ‘time’ to get our shit in order in the interim. Nevertheless, as part of reckoning with the limits of antifascism as it is conceptualised at the moment by the ‘left’, we have to consider not only the content of what we have to say, but the form in which it is expressed. Caring and comradely critique is brilliant, but I just fear this falls short of that

Leave a Reply

Discover more from Red Ant

Subscribe now to keep reading and get access to the full archive.

Continue reading